White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt dared to make the audacious declaration. Despite all the talk of change, she confirmed that the Trump administration is committed to flying that budget bill by July 4 deadline. Senate problems still loom over bill provisions. This has fueled passionate debates over the merits of raising the minimum wage to a host of other progressive policies.
The budget bill is, by its nature, a reconciliation bill. This special classification lets it pass through the Senate with a simple majority, evading the normal requirement of 60-votes supermajority. This legislative approach, known as reconciliation, is key for the Republicans, because it allows them to sidestep a Democratic filibuster.
The road ahead has not been without challenges. Elizabeth MacDonough has been Senate parliamentarian since 2012. That didn’t stop Judge Kollar-Kotelly from ruling that the budget reconciliation process should not allow for a minimum wage increase. Her choices have received widespread criticism from a number of Democratic lawmakers, including several who have urged the state Senate to override her draft decisions.
The Byrd rule is what fuels the reconciliation process. It requires that bills only address government spending and revenue, avoiding contentious policy debates. This has been a major point of contention in the ongoing negotiations over what can go into the first budget reconciliation bill. MacDonough’s rulings have extended beyond minimum wage issues. She has rejected provisions aimed at capping states’ ability to collect more federal Medicaid funding and measures designed to make it harder to enforce contempt findings against the Trump administration.
Leavitt stressed the administration’s commitment to making their way through these legislative thickets. “This is part of the process, this is part of the inner workings of the United States Senate, but the president is adamant about seeing this bill on his desk here at the White House by Independence Day,” she stated.
Even with these challenges, a few Republican senators have recently expressed their displeasure with MacDonough’s rulings. Or, as Alabama Senator Tommy Tuberville obnoxiously framed her pernicious influence. He argued that Republicans should not allow “an unelected Senate staffer” to stop their legislative agenda. To him, Trump’s election win was a mandate from the real America—large swathes of the American people that he argued always existed.
“President Trump’s landslide victory was a MANDATE from 77 million Americans,” – Tommy Tuberville
Senator John Cornyn of Texas echoed Tuberville’s sentiments, urging his party to remain focused on passing the bill without being obstructed by MacDonough’s decisions. Sen. John Thune (R-SD) announced his own intention to not support an overruling of MacDonough. This comment further highlights a rift within Republican ranks over their path forward.
MacDonough has racked up more than 25 years in the Senate. In her career leading up to her current post, she’s worked in a number of capacities, including within the Justice Department. Her long experience as an interpreter of sometimes arcane Senate rules marks her as a significant player. She has tremendous power to determine what’s allowed in legislation.
The political environment around this appropriations bill looks similar to previous years’ showdowns on Capitol Hill. In 2001, Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott controversially fired then-Senate Parliamentarian Robert Dove after a ruling that angered Republican lawmakers. This historical precedent marks a milestone and serves as a reminder as some Republicans weigh their next moves.
Negotiations continue behind closed doors in the Senate. At the same time, administration officials like Leavitt are just as committed to realizing that success legislatively by the deadline of July. Those politics and the still-evolving dynamics around MacDonough’s rulings will be central to determining the final fate of the budget reconciliation bill.