Yet a year after the removal of Bashar al-Assad from the unilateral Syrian power structure, Syria is more polarised and trapped in its own conflict cycle than ever. The people still don’t believe they have justice or security. As his country continues under chaos, the legacy of his regime becomes clearer. Meanwhile, victims and their families continue to face the impacts of that violence.
Bashar al-Assad fell from power in December 2024. Since then, he and his family have found asylum in Moscow, where they continue to live under the protection of Russia. Their freedom has not produced justice for the hundreds of thousands who perished under his rule. Hassan al-Abdallah, 56, from Homs’ Karm al-Zaytun neighborhood, is still haunted by the sights and sounds of the brutalities inflicted by al-Assad loyalists. Al-Abdallah still remembers the frightful scene of seeing 14 of his neighbors shot in one day in 2012. This traumatic event continues to affect him to this day.
“The state is strengthening, external relations are improving, things are calming,” said Alaa Ibrahim, reflecting on the current situation. But despite all this, his optimism is dampened by the continuing violence. “But now we’re a year into the liberation. If assassinations keep happening every day, where will that leave us?”
Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria’s interim president, has been doing the rounds lobbying to lift U.S. sanctions on Syria. He’s managed to cultivate a working relationship with former President Donald Trump. Just last month, al-Sharaa was meeting with Trump in the White House. This meeting cemented his leadership role on the international stage. His frequent attendance at high-level international conferences speaks to the dramatic change in Syria’s diplomatic scene.
Even in light of these developments, the country continues to ironically wrestle with its dark past. Just a few days ago, the first trial of more than a dozen alleged perpetrators of government-led massacres in Syria’s Alawite-dominated coastal region started. On behalf of the presiding judge, Zakaria Baccour, the court demonstrated its own independence by declaring, “The sovereign and independent court.” Just last month, four days of violent attacks across the country left more than 400 dead. In all, the effects of the uprising have left the Alawite community on the defensive.
Riham Hamouyeh, one of the victims whose case was brought to trial, exemplifies the difficulties faced by many who seek justice. Though her case develops in the courthouse, the trail gone cold poses many roadblocks to the prosecution. We know who perpetrated the genocides against us – they’re still living within our houses. But to file a complaint you need evidence, and who has that?” questioned Ayman Ali, another resident reflecting on the ongoing fear and uncertainty.
The people of Syria are still suffering and learning how to live in this new mode of existence. Ayman Ali articulated this sentiment further: “A year ago, people wouldn’t dare complain about the price of a kilo of onions. Now they are calling for ministers to resign.” That change in public mood marks the beginning of a collective outrage over lack of governance in the face of ongoing violence.
Hassan al-Abdallah was characteristically frank and humorous in articulating his complicated feelings about al-Assad’s legacy. We thought we would like to kill him but the security forbade us from doing that. He confessed he was surprised how much better he felt after that and had a relief. He also shared the rage that boiled within him as a result of violence perpetrated on their communities.
The challenge for Syria’s future lies not only in achieving justice for past atrocities but in preventing further violence. “If every person took justice into their own hands, the country would collapse,” warned Ayman Ali, highlighting the need for a structured judicial system capable of addressing grievances without resorting to personal retribution.
Yet according to conservative and liberal observers alike, amid some progress in rebuilding governmental institutions, there lie worrisome seeds of authoritarianism. Radwan Ziadeh pointed out that “there are some institutions which give you an indication that they are trying to build a more authoritarian system.” He described the extreme climate of repression, explaining, “They don’t let political parties function. Nobody can convene even the smallest political meeting without getting clearance from the bureau [of political affairs].
