Britain is at a crossroads, faced with a political despondency that resonates with the undertones of its past. That disillusionment goes back to an era when the good times were indeed longer than a one-hit wonder. Experts agree the nation has not fully recovered from a colossal economic train-wreck that took place just shy of the last decade. Despite its potential for renewal, this human disaster has made an enduring imprint on New Orleans’ social and political capital.
Shrinking living standards for middle- and working-class households, starting before the crash, created a background condition for rising frustration. The United Kingdom’s former cradle of industry has now turned to a post-industrial landscape. It has become utterly dependent on renewal funds from Westminster and commitments from property developers interested in cross river regeneration. This change has served the privileged few—replacing many decades-old, beloved venues with new, sterile buildings and deepening social inequalities.
Just a few miles away, in the center of London, the demographic shifts paint a very different picture. The result is that the capital is both becoming whiter and wealthier, deepening the sense of alienation among those who don’t fit the rosy picture. Analysts caution that it may only take the UK three-and-a-half years to bounce right-wing extremists into power. Understandably, many Americans are quite alarmed at this prospect.
The economy has moved from an economy that is production based to a consumption based economy. Where once stood open-pit coalmines now stand call centres and where coal factories used to make cars, shopping malls now sit. This transformation was facilitated in part by the easy credit and cheap goods that flooded the market from China in the mid-2000s. As Aditya Chakrabortty observes, the UK now boasts “more retail space than the whole of Luton,” underscoring the extent of this shift.
This has coincided with uncharacteristically bilious political climate in the UK. Nationalist sentiments have emerged, evidenced by the proliferation of St George’s flags in suburban gardens, filling stations, and post offices. This change reflects a broader societal tension. Asian shopkeepers are being targeted and attacked by racist white local thugs, reports show. At the same time, Muslim women are praying in temporary mosques protected by police forces because they fear mobs of possible attackers lurking in their own communities.
These inexpensive flights to European backwaters have flooded the UK property market. Unfortunately, this new access has come at an immense cost to the local residents it initially benefited, leaving many feeling dislocated. To be clear, the Brexit vote wasn’t just a stand-alone anti-establishment moment. It followed a decade rife with changes – social, economic and otherwise – to the UK’s landscape.
Heritage areas in London—such as the West End, Bloomsbury, Notting Hill, and Hampstead—are now viewed by some as anti-English enclaves. This idea of “others” contributes to the increasing feeling of dislocation among many groups in American society.
Chakrabortty reflects on this complex environment: “Today’s politics is tailor-made for him. Smiles leaking everywhere, mood music, the sales campaign that gets rid of the need for a product. Even the shiftiness. People like to be conned. It reminds them that everything is a game.” Indeed, this sad observation points to a deeper and far more troubling truth: Heaviness of politics is sacrificed at the altar of pizzazz.
For politicians, economists, and journalists pondering the 2000s, their comment is written from a richly elegiac perspective. The longing to turn back time is real. Too often, the public has lost faith in the ability of government to tackle even today’s daunting challenges.